April 7, 1965
Mr. Garland Senator Brewster, Senator Tydings, Members
of the congressional delegation, members of the faculty
of Johns Hopkins, student body, my fellow Americans: Last week 17 nations sent their views to some two dozen
countries having an interest in southeast Asia. We are
joining those 17 countries and stating our American policy
tonight which we believe will contribute toward peace in
this area of the world.
I have come here to review once again with my own people
the views of the American Government.
Tonight Americans and Asians are dying for a world where
each people may choose its own path to change.
This is the principle for which our ancestors fought in
the valleys of Pennsylvania. It is the principle for which
our sons fight tonight in the jungles of Vietnam.
Vietnam is far away from this quiet campus. We have no
territory there, nor do we seek any. The war is dirty and
brutal and difficult. And some 400 young men, born into
an America that is bursting with opportunity and promise,
have ended their lives on Vietnam's steaming soil.
Why must we take this painful road?
Why must this Nation hazard its ease, and its interest,
and its power for the sake of a people so far away?
We fight because we must fight if we are to live in a
world where every country can shape its own destiny. And
only in such a world will our own freedom be finally secure.
This kind of world will never be built by bombs or bullets.
Yet the infirmities of man are such that force must often
precede reason, and the waste of war, the works of peace.
We wish that this were not so. But we must deal with the
world as it is, if it is ever to be as we wish.
The world as it is in Asia is not a serene or peaceful
The first reality is that North Vietnam has attacked the
independent nation of South Vietnam Its object is total
Of course, some of the people of South Vietnam are participating
in attack on their own government. But trained men and
supplies, orders and arms, flow in a constant stream from
north to south.
This support is the heartbeat of the war.
And it is a war of unparalleled brutality. Simple farmers
are the targets of assassination and kidnapping. Women
and children are strangled in the night because their men
are loyal to their government. And helpless villages are
ravaged by sneak attacks. Large-scale raids are conducted
on towns, and terror strikes in the heart of cities.
The confused nature of this conflict cannot mask the fact
that it is the new face of an old enemy.
Over this war - and all Asia - is another reality: the
deepening shadow of Communist China. The rulers in Hanoi
are urged on by Peking. This is a regime which has destroyed
freedom in Tibet, which has attacked India, and has been
condemned by the United Nations for aggression in Korea.
It is a nation which is helping the forces of violence
in almost every continent. The contest in Vietnam is part
of a wider pattern of aggressive purposes.
Why are these realities our concern? Why are we in South
We are there because we have a promise to keep. Since
1954 every American President has offered support to the
people of South Vietnam We have helped to build, and we
have helped to defend. Thus, over many years, we have made
a national pledge to help South Vietnam defend its independence.
And I intend to keep that promise.
To dishonor that pledge, to abandon this small and brave
nation to its enemies, and to the terror that must follow,
would be an unforgivable wrong.
We are also there to strengthen world order. Around the
globe, from Berlin to Thailand, are people whose well-being
rests, in part, on the belief that they can count on us
if they are attacked. To leave Vietnam to its fate would
shake the confidence of all these people in the value of
an American commitment and in the value of America's word.
The result would be increased unrest and instability, and
even wider war.
We are also there because
there are great stakes in the balance. Let no one think
for a moment that retreat from Vietnam would bring an
end to conflict. The battle would be renewed in one country
and then another. The central lesson of our time is that
the appetite of aggression is never satisfied. To withdraw
from one battlefield means only to prepare for the next.
We must say in southeast Asia - as we did in Europe -
in the words of the Bible: "Hitherto
shalt thou come, but no further."
There are those who say that all our effort there will
be futile - that China's power is such that it is bound
to dominate all southeast Asia. But there is no end to
that argument until all of the nations of Asia are swallowed
There are those who wonder why we have a responsibility
there. Well, we have it there for the same reason that
we have a responsibility for the defense of Europe.
World War II was fought in both Europe and Asia, and when
it ended we found ourselves with continued responsibility
for the defense of freedom.
Our objective is the independence of South Vietnam, and
its freedom from attack. We want nothing for ourselves-only
that the people of South Vietnam be allowed to guide their
own country in their own way.
We will do everything necessary to reach that objective.
And we will do only what is absolutely necessary.
In recent months attacks on South Vietnam were stepped
up. Thus, it became necessary for us to increase our response
and to make attacks by air. This is not a change of purpose.
It is a change in what we believe that purpose requires.
We do this in order to slow down aggression.
We do this to increase the confidence of the brave people
of South Vietnam who have bravely borne this brutal battle
for so many years with so many casualties.
And we do this to convince the leaders of North
Vietnam and all who seek to share their conquest-of a
very simple fact:
We will not be defeated.
We will not grow tired.
We will not withdraw, either openly or under the cloak
of a meaningless agreement.
We know that air attacks alone will not accomplish all
of these purposes. But it is our best and prayerful judgment
that they are a necessary part of the surest road to peace.
We hope that peace will come swiftly. But that is in the
hands of others besides ourselves. And we must be prepared
for a long continued conflict. It will require patience
as well as bravery, the will to endure as well as the will
I wish it were possible to convince others with words
of what we now find it necessary to say with guns and planes:
Armed hostility is futile. Our resources are equal to any
challenge. Because we fight for values and we fight for
principles, rather than territory or colonies, our patience
and our determination are unending.
Once this is clear, then it should also be clear that
the only path for reasonable men is the path of peaceful
Such peace demands an independent South Vietnam - securely
guaranteed and able to shape its own relationships to all
others - free from outside interference - tied to no alliance
- a military base for no other country.
These are the essentials of any final settlement.
We will never be second in the search for such a peaceful
settlement in Vietnam
There may be many ways to this kind of peace: in discussion
or negotiation with the governments concerned; in large
groups or in small ones; in the reaffirmation of old agreements
or their strengthening with new ones.
We have stated this position over and over again fifty
times and more, to friend and foe alike. And we remain
ready, with this purpose, for unconditional discussions.
And until that bright and necessary day of peace we will
try to keep conflict from spreading. We have no desire
to see thousands die in battle - Asians or Americans. We
have no desire to devastate that which the people of North
Vietnam have built with toil and sacrifice. We will use
our power with restraint and with all the wisdom that we
But we will use it.
This war, like most wars, is filled with terrible irony.
For what do the people of North Vietnam want? They want
what their neighbors also desire: food for their hunger;
health for their bodies; a chance to learn; progress for
their country; and an end to the bondage of material misery.
And they would find all these things far more readily in
peaceful association with others than in the endless course
These countries of southeast Asia are homes for millions
of impoverished people. Each day these people rise at dawn
and struggle through until the night to wrestle existence
from the soil. They are often wracked by disease, plagued
by hunger, and death comes at the early age of 40.
Stability and peace do not come easily in such a land.
Neither independence nor human dignity will ever be won,
though, by arms alone. It also requires the work of peace.
The American people have helped generously in times past
in these works. Now there must be a much more massive effort
to improve the life of man in that conflict-torn corner
of our world.
The first step is for the countries of southeast Asia
to associate themselves in a greatly expanded cooperative
effort for development. We would hope that North Vietnam
would take its place in the common effort just is soon
as peaceful cooperation is possible.
The United Nations is already actively engaged in development
in this area. As far back as 1961 I conferred with our
authorities in Vietnam in connection with their work there.
And I would hope tonight that the Secretary General of
the United Nations could use the prestige of his great
office, and his deep knowledge of Asia, to initiate, as
soon as possible, with the countries of that area, a plan
for cooperation in increased development.
For our part I will ask the Congress to join in a billion
dollar American investment in this effort as soon as it
And I would hope that all other industrialized countries,
including the Soviet Union, will join in this effort to
replace despair with hope, and terror with progress. The
task is nothing less than to enrich the hopes and the existence
of more than a hundred million people. And there is much
to be done.
The vast Mekong River can provide food and water and power
on a scale to dwarf even our own TVA.
The wonders of modern medicine can be spread through villages
where thousands die every year from lack of care.
Schools can be established to train people in the skills
that are needed to manage the process of development.
And these objectives, and more, are within the reach of
a cooperative and determined effort.
I also intend to expand and speed up a program to make
available our farm surpluses to assist in feeding and clothing
the needy in Asia. We should not allow people to go hungry
and wear rags while our own warehouses overflow with an
abundance of wheat and corn, rice and cotton.
So I will very shortly name a special team of outstanding,
patriotic, distinguished Americans to inaugurate our participation
in these programs. This team will be headed by Mr. Eugene
Black, the very able former President of the World Bank.
In areas that are still ripped by conflict, of course
development will not be easy.
Peace will be necessary for final success. But we cannot
and must not wait for peace to begin this job.
This will be a disorderly planet for a long time. In Asia,
as elsewhere, the forces of the modern world are shaking
old ways and uprooting ancient civilizations.
There will be turbulence and struggle and even violence.
Great social change-as we see in our own country now -
does not always come without conflict.
We must also expect that nations will on occasion be in
dispute with us. It may be because we are rich, or powerful;
or because we have made some mistakes; or because they
honestly fear our intentions. However, no nation need ever
fear that we desire their land, or to impose our will,
or to dictate their institutions.
But we will always oppose the effort of one nation to
conquer another nation.
We will do this because our own security is at stake.
But there is more to it than that. For our generation
has a dream. It is a very old dream. But we have the power
and now we have the opportunity to make that dream come
For centuries nations have struggled among each other.
But we dream of a world where disputes are settled by law
and reason. And we will try to make it so.
For most of history men have hated and killed one another
in battle. But we dream of an end to war. And we will try
to make it so.
For all existence most men have lived in poverty, threatened
by hunger. But we dream of a world where all are fed and
charged with hope. And we will help to make it so.
The ordinary men and women of North Vietnam and South
Vietnam of China and India - of Russia and America-are
brave people. They are filled with the same proportions
of hate and fear, of love and hope. Most of them want the
same things for themselves and their families. Most of
them do not want their sons to ever die in battle, or to
see their homes, or the homes of others, destroyed. Well,
this can be their world yet. Man now has the knowledge-always
before denied-to make this planet serve the real needs
of the people who live on it.
I know this will not be easy. I know how difficult it
is for reason to guide passion, and love to master hate.
The complexities of this world do not bow easily to pure
and consistent answers.
But the simple truths are there just the same. We must
all try to follow them as best we can.
We often say how impressive power is. But I do not find
it impressive at all.
The guns and the bombs, the rockets and the warships,
are all symbols of human failure. They are necessary symbols.
They protect what we cherish. But they are witness to human
A dam built across a great river is impressive.
In the countryside where I was born, and where I live,
I have seen the night illuminated, and the kitchens warmed,
and the homes heated, where once the cheer less night and
the ceaseless cold held sway. And all this happened because
electricity came to our area along the humming wires of
the REA. Electrification of the countryside-yes, that,
too, is impressive.
A rich harvest in a hungry land is impressive.
The sight of healthy children in a classroom is impressive.
These - not mighty arms - are the achievements which the
American Nation believes to be impressive.
And, if we are steadfast, the time may come when all other
nations will also find it so.
Every night before I turn out the lights to sleep I ask
myself this question: Have I done everything that I can
do to unite this country? Have I done everything I can
to help unite the world, to try to bring peace and hope
to all the peoples of the world? Have I done enough?
Ask yourselves that question in your homes and in this
hall tonight. Have we, each of us, all done all we could?
Have we done enough?
We may well be living
in the time foretold many years ago when it was said: "I
call heaven and earth to record this day against you,
that I have set before you life and death, blessing and
cursing: therefore choose life, that both thou and thy
seed may live."
This generation of the world must choose: destroy or build,
kill or aid, hate or understand.
We can do all these things on a scale never dreamed of
Well, we will choose life. In so doing we will prevail
over the enemies within man, and over the natural enemies
of all mankind.
To Dr. Eisenhower and Mr. Garland, and this great institution,
Johns Hopkins, I thank you for this opportunity to convey
my thoughts to you and to the American people.