HISTORIC SPEECHES
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
Address Before the Young Men's Lyceum of Springfield, Illinois
January 27, 1838
As a subject for the remarks of the evening, the perpetuation of our political institutions, is selected.
In the great journal of things happening under the sun, we, the
American People, find our account running, under date of the
nineteenth century of the Christian era.--We find ourselves in the
peaceful possession, of the fairest portion of the earth, as regards
extent of territory, fertility of soil, and salubrity of climate.
We find ourselves under the government of a system of political
institutions, conducing more essentially to the ends of civil and
religious liberty, than any of which the history of former times
tells us. We, when mounting the stage of existence, found ourselves
the legal inheritors of these fundamental blessings. We toiled not
in the acquirement or establishment of them--they are a legacy
bequeathed us, by a once hardy, brave, and patriotic, but now
lamented and departed race of ancestors. Their's was the task
(and nobly they performed it) to possess themselves, and through
themselves, us, of this goodly land; and to uprear upon its hills
and its valleys, a political edifice of liberty and equal rights;
'tis ours only, to transmit these, the former, unprofaned by the
foot of an invader; the latter, undecayed by the lapse of time
and untorn by usurpation, to the latest generation that fate
shall permit the world to know. This task of gratitude to our fathers,
justice to ourselves, duty to posterity, and love for our species
in general, all imperatively require us faithfully to perform.
How then shall we perform it?--At what point shall we expect the
approach of danger? By what means shall we fortify against it?--
Shall we expect some transatlantic military giant, to step the
Ocean, and crush us at a blow? Never!--All the armies of Europe,
Asia and Africa combined, with all the treasure of the earth (our
own excepted) in their military chest; with a Buonaparte for a
commander, could not by force, take a drink from the Ohio, or make
a track on the Blue Ridge, in a trial of a thousand years.
At what point then is the approach of danger to be expected? I
answer, if it ever reach us, it must spring up amongst us. It
cannot come from abroad. If destruction be our lot, we must
ourselves be its author and finisher. As a nation of freemen, we
must live through all time, or die by suicide.
I hope I am over wary; but if I am not, there is, even now,
something of ill-omen, amongst us. I mean the increasing disregard
for law which pervades the country; the growing disposition to
substitute the wild and furious passions, in lieu of the sober
judgment of Courts; and the worse than savage mobs, for the
executive ministers of justice. This disposition is awfully
fearful in any community; and that it now exists in ours, though
grating to our feelings to admit, it would be a violation of truth,
and an insult to our intelligence, to deny. Accounts of outrages
committed by mobs, form the every-day news of the times. They
have pervaded the country, from New England to Louisiana;--they
are neither peculiar to the eternal snows of the former, nor the
burning suns of the latter;--they are not the creature of climate--
neither are they confined to the slave-holding, or the non-slave-
holding States. Alike, they spring up among the pleasure hunting
masters of Southern slaves, and the order loving citizens of the
land of steady habits.--Whatever, then, their cause may be, it
is common to the whole country.
It would be tedious, as well as useless, to recount the horrors
of all of them. Those happening in the State of Mississippi, and
at St. Louis, are, perhaps, the most dangerous in example and
revolting to humanity. In the Mississippi case, they first
commenced by hanging the regular gamblers; a set of men, certainly
not following for a livelihood, a very useful, or very honest
occupation; but one which, so far from being forbidden by the
laws, was actually licensed by an act of the Legislature, passed
but a single year before. Next, negroes, suspected of conspiring
to raise an insurrection, were caught up and hanged in all parts
of the State: then, white men, supposed to be leagued with the
negroes; and finally, strangers, from neighboring States, going
thither on business, were, in many instances subjected to the
same fate. Thus went on this process of hanging, from gamblers
to negroes, from negroes to white citizens, and from these to
strangers; till, dead men were seen literally dangling from the
boughs of trees upon every road side; and in numbers almost
sufficient, to rival the native Spanish moss of the country, as
a drapery of the forest.
Turn, then, to that horror-striking scene at St. Louis. A single
victim was only sacrificed there. His story is very short; and is,
perhaps, the most highly tragic, if anything of its length, that
has ever been witnessed in real life. A mulatto man, by the name
of McIntosh, was seized in the street, dragged to the suburbs of
the city, chained to a tree, and actually burned to death; and
all within a single hour from the time he had been a freeman,
attending to his own business, and at peace with the world.
Such are the effects of mob law; and such as the scenes, becoming
more and more frequent in this land so lately famed for love of
law and order; and the stories of which, have even now grown too
familiar, to attract any thing more, than an idle remark.
But you are, perhaps, ready to ask, "What has this to do with the
perpetuation of our political institutions?" I answer, it has
much to do with it. Its direct consequences are, comparatively
speaking, but a small evil; and much of its danger consists, in
the proneness of our minds, to regard its direct, as its only
consequences. Abstractly considered, the hanging of the gamblers
at Vicksburg, was of but little consequence. They constitute a
portion of population, that is worse than useless in any
community; and their death, if no pernicious example be set by
it, is never matter of reasonable regret with any one. If they
were annually swept, from the stage of existence, by the plague
or small pox, honest men would, perhaps, be much profited, by
the operation.--Similar too, is the correct reasoning, in regard
to the burning of the negro at St. Louis. He had forfeited his
life, by the perpetuation of an outrageous murder, upon one of
the most worthy and respectable citizens of the city; and had
not he died as he did, he must have died by the sentence of the
law, in a very short time afterwards. As to him alone, it was as
well the way it was, as it could otherwise have been.--But the
example in either case, was fearful.--When men take it in their
heads to day, to hang gamblers, or burn murderers, they should
recollect, that, in the confusion usually attending such
transactions, they will be as likely to hang or burn some one
who is neither a gambler nor a murderer as one who is; and that,
acting upon the example they set, the mob of to-morrow, may,
and probably will, hang or burn some of them by the very same
mistake. And not only so; the innocent, those who have ever set
their faces against violations of law in every shape, alike with
the guilty, fall victims to the ravages of mob law; and thus
it goes on, step by step, till all the walls erected for the
defense of the persons and property of individuals, are trodden
down, and disregarded. But all this even, is not the full extent
of the evil.--By such examples, by instances of the perpetrators
of such acts going unpunished, the lawless in spirit, are
encouraged to become lawless in practice; and having been used
to no restraint, but dread of punishment, they thus become,
absolutely unrestrained.--Having ever regarded Government as their
deadliest bane, they make a jubilee of the suspension of its
operations; and pray for nothing so much, as its total annihilation.
While, on the other hand, good men, men who love tranquility,
who desire to abide by the laws, and enjoy their benefits, who
would gladly spill their blood in the defense of their country;
seeing their property destroyed; their families insulted, and
their lives endangered; their persons injured; and seeing nothing
in prospect that forebodes a change for the better; become tired
of, and disgusted with, a Government that offers them no
protection; and are not much averse to a change in which they
imagine they have nothing to lose. Thus, then, by the operation
of this mobocractic spirit, which all must admit, is now abroad
in the land, the strongest bulwark of any Government, and
particularly of those constituted like ours, may effectually be
broken down and destroyed--I mean the attachment of the People.
Whenever this effect shall be produced among us; whenever the
vicious portion of population shall be permitted to gather in
bands of hundreds and thousands, and burn churches, ravage and
rob provision-stores, throw printing presses into rivers, shoot
editors, and hang and burn obnoxious persons at pleasure, and
with impunity; depend on it, this Government cannot last. By
such things, the feelings of the best citizens will become more
or less alienated from it; and thus it will be left without
friends, or with too few, and those few too weak, to make their
friendship effectual. At such a time and under such circumstances,
men of sufficient talent and ambition will not be wanting to
seize the opportunity, strike the blow, and overturn that fair
fabric, which for the last half century, has been the fondest
hope, of the lovers of freedom, throughout the world.
I know the American People are much attached to their
Government;--I know they would suffer much for its sake;--I
know they would endure evils long and patiently, before they
would ever think of exchanging it for another. Yet, notwithstanding
all this, if the laws be continually despised and disregarded, if
their rights to be secure in their persons and property, are
held by no better tenure than the caprice of a mob, the alienation
of their affections from the Government is the natural
consequence; and to that, sooner or later, it must come.
Here then, is one point at which danger may be expected.
The question recurs, "how shall we fortify against it?" The
answer is simple. Let every American, every lover of liberty,
every well wisher to his posterity, swear by the blood of the
Revolution, never to violate in the least particular, the laws
of the country; and never to tolerate their violation by others.
As the patriots of seventy-six did to the support of the
Declaration of Independence, so to the support of the Constitution
and Laws, let every American pledge his life, his property, and
his sacred honor;--let every man remember that to violate the
law, is to trample on the blood of his father, and to tear the
character of his own, and his children's liberty. Let reverence
for the laws, be breathed by every American mother, to the lisping
babe, that prattles on her lap--let it be taught in schools, in
seminaries, and in colleges; let it be written in Primers,
spelling books, and in Almanacs;--let it be preached from the
pulpit, proclaimed in legislative halls, and enforced in courts
of justice. And, in short, let it become the political religion
of the nation; and let the old and the young, the rich and the
poor, the grave and the gay, of all sexes and tongues, and colors
and conditions, sacrifice unceasingly upon its altars.
While ever a state of feeling, such as this, shall universally,
or even, very generally prevail throughout the nation, vain will
be every effort, and fruitless every attempt, to subvert our
national freedom.
When I so pressingly urge a strict observance of all the laws,
let me not be understood as saying there are no bad laws, nor
that grievances may not arise, for the redress of which, no legal
provisions have been made.--I mean to say no such thing. But I
do mean to say, that, although bad laws, if they exist, should
be repealed as soon as possible, still while they continue in
force, for the sake of example, they should be religiously
observed. So also in unprovided cases. If such arise, let proper
legal provisions be made for them with the least possible delay;
but, till then, let them, if not too intolerable, be borne with.
There is no grievance that is a fit object of redress by mob law.
In any case that arises, as for instance, the promulgation of
abolitionism, one of two positions is necessarily true; that is,
the thing is right within itself, and therefore deserves the
protection of all law and all good citizens; or, it is wrong, and
therefore proper to be prohibited by legal enactments; and in
neither case, is the interposition of mob law, either necessary,
justifiable, or excusable.
But, it may be asked, why suppose danger to our political
institutions? Have we not preserved them for more than fifty
years? And why may we not for fifty times as long?
We hope there is no sufficient reason. We hope all dangers may be
overcome; but to conclude that no danger may ever arise, would
itself be extremely dangerous. There are now, and will hereafter
be, many causes, dangerous in their tendency, which have not
existed heretofore; and which are not too insignificant to merit
attention. That our government should have been maintained in
its original form from its establishment until now, is not much
to be wondered at. It had many props to support it through that
period, which now are decayed, and crumbled away. Through that
period, it was felt by all, to be an undecided experiment; now,
it is understood to be a successful one.--Then, all that sought
celebrity and fame, and distinction, expected to find them in
the success of that experiment. Their all was staked upon it:--
their destiny was inseparably linked with it. Their ambition
aspired to display before an admiring world, a practical
demonstration of the truth of a proposition, which had hitherto
been considered, at best no better, than problematical; namely,
the capability of a people to govern themselves. If they succeeded,
they were to be immortalized; their names were to be transferred
to counties and cities, and rivers and mountains; and to be
revered and sung, and toasted through all time. If they failed,
they were to be called knaves and fools, and fanatics for a
fleeting hour; then to sink and be forgotten. They succeeded. The
experiment is successful; and thousands have won their deathless
names in making it so. But the game is caught; and I believe it
is true, that with the catching, end the pleasures of the chase.
This field of glory is harvested, and the crop is already
appropriated. But new reapers will arise, and they, too, will
seek a field. It is to deny, what the history of the world tells
us is true, to suppose that men of ambition and talents will not
continue to spring up amongst us. And, when they do, they will
as naturally seek the gratification of their ruling passion, as
others have so done before them. The question then, is, can that
gratification be found in supporting and maintaining an edifice
that has been erected by others? Most certainly it cannot. Many
great and good men sufficiently qualified for any task they should
undertake, may ever be found, whose ambition would inspire to
nothing beyond a seat in Congress, a gubernatorial or a presidential
chair; but such belong not to the family of the lion, or the tribe of the eagle.
What! think you these places would satisfy an
Alexander, a Caesar, or a Napoleon?--Never! Towering genius distains
a beaten path. It seeks regions hitherto unexplored.--It sees no distinction
in adding story to story, upon the monuments of fame,
erected to the memory of others. It denies that it is glory enough
to serve under any chief. It scorns to tread in the footsteps of
any predecessor, however illustrious. It thirsts and burns for
distinction; and, if possible, it will have it, whether at the
expense of emancipating slaves, or enslaving freemen. Is it
unreasonable then to expect, that some man possessed of the
loftiest genius, coupled with ambition sufficient to push it to
its utmost stretch, will at some time, spring up among us? And
when such a one does, it will require the people to be united
with each other, attached to the government and laws, and generally
intelligent, to successfully frustrate his designs.
Distinction will be his paramount object, and although he would
as willingly, perhaps more so, acquire it by doing good as harm;
yet, that opportunity being past, and nothing left to be done in
the way of building up, he would set boldly to the task of
pulling down.
Here, then, is a probable case, highly dangerous, and such a
one as could not have well existed heretofore.
Another reason which once was; but which, to the same extent,
is now no more, has done much in maintaining our institutions
thus far. I mean the powerful influence which the interesting
scenes of the revolution had upon the passions of the people as
distinguished from their judgment. By this influence, the
jealousy, envy, and avarice, incident to our nature, and so common
to a state of peace, prosperity, and conscious strength, were,
for the time, in a great measure smothered and rendered inactive;
while the deep-rooted principles of hate, and the powerful motive
of revenge, instead of being turned against each other, were
directed exclusively against the British nation. And thus, from
the force of circumstances, the basest principles of our nature,
were either made to lie dormant, or to become the active agents
in the advancement of the noblest cause--that of establishing and
maintaining civil and religious liberty.
But this state of feeling must fade, is fading, has faded, with
the circumstances that produced it.
I do not mean to say, that the scenes of the revolution are now
or ever will be entirely forgotten; but that like every thing
else, they must fade upon the memory of the world, and grow more
and more dim by the lapse of time. In history, we hope, they will
be read of, and recounted, so long as the bible shall be read;--
but even granting that they will, their influence cannot be what
it heretofore has been. Even then, they cannot be so universally
known, nor so vividly felt, as they were by the generation just
gone to rest. At the close of that struggle, nearly every adult
male had been a participator in some of its scenes. The consequence
was, that of those scenes, in the form of a husband, a father, a
son or brother, a living history was to be found in every family--
a history bearing the indubitable testimonies of its own
authenticity, in the limbs mangled, in the scars of wounds
received, in the midst of the very scenes related--a history, too,
that could be read and understood alike by all, the wise and the
ignorant, the learned and the unlearned.--But those histories
are gone. They can be read no more forever. They were a fortress
of strength; but, what invading foeman could never do, the silent
artillery of time has done; the leveling of its walls. They are
gone.--They were a forest of giant oaks; but the all-resistless
hurricane has swept over them, and left only, here and there, a
lonely trunk, despoiled of its verdure, shorn of its foliage;
unshading and unshaded, to murmur in a few gentle breezes, and
to combat with its mutilated limbs, a few more ruder storms,
then to sink, and be no more.
They were the pillars of the temple of liberty; and now, that
they have crumbled away, that temple must fall, unless we, their
descendants, supply their places with other pillars, hewn from
the solid quarry of sober reason. Passion has helped us; but can
do so no more. It will in future be our enemy. Reason, cold,
calculating, unimpassioned reason, must furnish all the materials
for our future support and defence.--Let those materials be
moulded into general intelligence, sound morality, and in
particular, a reverence for the constitution and laws: and, that
we improved to the last; that we remained free to the last; that
we revered his name to the last; that, during his long sleep, we
permitted no hostile foot to pass over or desecrate his resting
place; shall be that which to learn the last trump shall awaken
our WASHINGTON.
Upon these let the proud fabric of freedom rest, as the rock of
its basis; and as truly as has been said of the only greater
institution, "the gates of hell shall not prevail against it."
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